Why Opposition Parties get it wrong in SA Elections?

 

Opposition parties will help themselves if they can learn to respect the voting masses as thinking masses-

Trevor Noah SA’s finest export in modern day stand-up comedy is famous for quipping, in his THAT’S RACIST show ‘you gonna learrrnnnnn….” I involuntarily thought of this when I surveyed the behaviour, messaging and tactics of our Opposition Parties in this season of elections.

Voting has for all intends and purposes begun in this our 5th National Elections 20 years on in democracy. The international registered and vetted voters have exercised their democratic franchise and the special vote category is voting between today and tomorrow.

In 36 hours from now the official May 7, 2014 Elections would be in full swing I would have cast my vote and be readying myself to wing out to cross the Atlantic Ocean to attend to some speaking engagements.

This occasion affords me time to assess what Opposition Parties are up to as measured by the respective campaigns they ran. The aim is not to give an in-depth analysis of each opposition party but to look at trends and to understand it in collective definition.

It is my contention that the collective of Opposition Parties in SA remain bereft of true respect for the Voting Masses if their tactics, messaging and themes constitute the yardstick for assessment. I will argue Opposition Parties have confirmed preconceived notions that are cast in stone on who the voting masses are and how they must be approached.   This is leading to the perpetual missing of the proverbial bulls-eye.

I have distilled 12 errors Opposition Parties make on the SA voting populace because their campaigns and tactics exhibit these trends.

1. ABANDONING POSSIBLE MANIFESTO’S FOR MORE JUICY TOPICS ( Non -Service delivery & Nkandla)

The first error the collective of Opposition Parties made was to abandon their respective Manifestos. We must also hasten to add that is if these manifestos have existed in the first place.

They rushed to tag their entire election campaigns on the emotive public topics such Non- Service Delivery and the long awaited Public Protector report on Nkandla (the security upgrades at the president’s homestead).

The Opposition Parties somehow fell for the untruth that service delivery is not happening in SA, this despite every authentic report of an assessment of SA over the last 20 years attesting and confirming tremendous delivery.

In fact the City Press at one point in 2013 ran a story in which they captured this administration as led by JG Zuma in ascribing him a title of MR DELIVERY.

How the host of Opposition Parties allowed themselves to fall for this when they know basic services have been consistently improved over the length of ANC governance defies logic.

The second aspect was the PP Nkandla report. The DA has spent millions on its Gauteng media campaign driven purely by this as anchor theme. It is my view their Manifesto suffered because it took a backseat to this topic which in the greater scheme will have no true impact on the elections outcome.

The DA’s dream of an impeachment (the word does not exist in our Constitution), drove them to appeal to the Speaker for an Ad-Hoc committee to look at the report and the President’s response.

Hats off to the speaker of parliament for respecting the request, yet the DA had attempted to make this ad-hoc committee a court and quickly found out, that they in a proverbial cul-de sac and constricted zone because they will get nowhere with this campaign.

As we speak now the ad–hoc committee was absolved and therefore has no bearing in claim of desired influence on the May 7 elections. This was a major blow to the DA because it pinned its hopes on getting a ruling from this before the elections. What wishful thinking?

Nkandla as emotive and sentimental it may portend, simply cannot become ones whole Manifesto.

2. MISCALCULATING & OVERATING THE TRUE IMPACT OF AN NKANDLA

Nkandla, I have argued is perhaps the most dishonest debate we have had and we might repeat it because we have not allowed ourselves to rise in thought beyond the noise. We easily paint people into corners of for or against, and thus drum out to the necessary opinions of others who share not our confirmed views on the subject matter.

It is for this reason that I hold we are prone to repeat it again because we are not affording ourselves the candid and necessary engagement of the subject matter in order for us to learn from it.

Opposition parties have proverbially hatched their bets on the damning impact an Nkandla will have on this election, yet those who think along these lines constitute a specific sector of our society defined as a public in publics.

The thin and often overexerting chattering class are spoiled to assume that when they see it a certain way, the masses must equally see it similar way. The president tonight stood up and spoke frankly without any written speech (I somehow think he always does better when he has no script with him) on the subject and in his own colloquial way captured my assertion, ‘ Nkandla does not concern the people it is a topic for the clever people Nkandla has become the concern and interest of a vested group making up the middle class who erroneously assumed that this matter is a critical matter for the masses.

When we argue this here we are not advancing a moral judgement on the wrongs that occurred but we are arguing the salience in relevance for this issue to affect and impact the ANC’s march to its 5th consecutive beyond 65% victory. You simply cannot superimposed this occurrence as preeminent to the consistent good story we people have lived through in the two decades of democracy.

To assume that the masses of SA citizens are uniquely concerned with Uganda’s most recent laws on homosexuality is to misunderstand the voting populace of SA.

Regardless to how strong a lobby group for a certain subject may be resourced, it is no guarantee that it will alter the cause and direction and outcome of the elections.

3. ERRONOUSLY USING THE ANC AS PREMISE

The collective of opposition parties in SA as led by the DA continues to make the ANC the departure point and end- point of all their campaigning. In defence of the opposition parties’ one must hasten to add, it is almost impossible to ignore the ANC as ruling party in your contest. The challenge however is if you narrow and hone your entire campaign on the ANC mistakes errors and wrongs you really act as an amplifier of the prevalence of the ANC in the minds of society.

A classic example of this is the ANC in its manifesto has committed itself to create 6million job opportunities. The DA then challenged the ANC so much so that it even attempted a staging a march to COSATU -House to blackmail them to agree on what they term 6 million real jobs.

The DA’s campaign then became ‘6million real jobs’ which means the DA is not even original in the number of jobs as a target bit borrows this directly from the ANC. No one in the DA was conscious of the fact that if they had for example said 8 million real jobs they would have been dislocating them from the ANC directive of a 6 million job opportunities.

The DA has declared this the elections of JOBS. Hence this means for this party this is the flagship issue at stake for 2014. You would have thought that since they made this their flagship they would have proven leading in defining this distinct and separate from the ANC who has concluded 5 aspects in its Manifesto of which job creation is one of the five.

The negative side of this when you spent all your time and energy telling us what the ANC does wrong, without telling us what you will and can do in a systematic and coherent sense, reduces one to whinger who rants and raves at anything therefore empty of true input.

This aforementioned issue of 6 million jobs cited is a classic approach in trapped state of tactics as to how opposition parties think, internalise and actualise their role and meaning in our society.

4. ATTEMPTING TO PLAY ON THE IEC AS A COMPROMISED ENTITY.

The fourth error opposition parties as led by the Bantu Holomisa of the UDM made was to attempt claiming the IEC as compromising for the presence of its election chairperson as not fit to lead this pristine entity.

Now the argument Holomisa raises is not a wrong one, yet where he blundered was to overextend this claim in an almost attempt of arguing the elections will be compromised because Pansy Tlakula is the head of it thus potentially rendering the elections as cooked.

This when Holomisa and all those who constitute the 5 opposition parties know is a complete sophism because the IEC as a Chapter 9 institution has since inception been an exceptional entity and has delivered elections devoid of any compromised claims. The integrity and performance of the IEC was always above board and a cooked election has no true context of defence.

The error here on the part of the Opposition parties is the emotional campaigns they attempt almost in a sense of blackmail.

5. RUNNING ELECTION CAMPAIGNS IN VICTIMHOOD OF CLAIM

Another error opposition parties committed is to try and run campaigns on victimhood. We have seen how the EFF led this charge in which it wants to blackmail any and everything including the SABC arguing they must be afforded equal space on broadcasting time. The truth is the EFF and Agang-SA has never been voted by anyone into any office and therefore cannot pretend as if they already have attained this place of significance.

Regardless to all the collective mass rallies of varied conflicting numbers in attendance, as we sit here today, the EFF and Agang-SA and all new parties have no right to argue they are a party as tested in election embrace. Therefore to pretend victimhood in claims of the ANC being advanced by the SABC is a false argument. The voters understand this and to assume they do not is to not read the voters correctly.

Concerning those parties who have already participated in elections they fully understand that they are not competing with the ANC in attempt of dethroning it but for a space to be a part of the voices of opposition.

6. CONVENIENTLY SEGMENTING SA VOTERS IN TARGET MARKETS OF CLASS DEFINITION

The opposition parties in SA have developed campaigns, themes and messaging around what I choose to deem a convenience of distinct segmentation of the SA voting constituency.

We have seen the strong focus on the youth as claimed by those who thought they could get the 656000 votes of those born after the dawn of democracy. Forgive me I cannot legitimise the notions of ‘born –frees generation’ because I fully understand we will never be equal and apartheid gave some a head-start that my generation will never be able to wipe out.

We must desist the temptation to assume that targeting these voters can automatically result in great success almost in a vacuum for their parents remain poor and struggling hence the issue of economic equality as corrected by a post-apartheid birth is sophistic to say the least.

The bigger error with segmenting a voter populace in classed definition is also a misconception, whilst we may have present middle class of varied degrees you can hardly make these a unique target when middle class so broadly exists in experiential reality.

The DA in Gauteng has decided to go after the middle-class. Agang-SA’s whole existence is in claim of this middle class construct. The truth is segmentation is necessary yet you don’t do it overtly and singularly in focus, The ANC understands the class hierarchy too but it refuses to be overt about it and continued a campaigned in which it advocates it is for all.

The segmentation of voting populace inherently leads to a polarisation of voters which I the least of the core issues for a party seeking the voting populace. The challenge is the party that adopts the overt stance cast itself into a mould of being seen and experienced as middle class based. A shackle it will struggle later to undo.

7. ASSUMPTION THAT VOTERS DO SO EMOTIONALLY

Perhaps the biggest error that opposition parties consistently make in SA is premised or informed by a view that people that vote for the ANC do so without thinking, and thus not conscious to choose clearly. This error has a precarious double edged internal stream; on the one hand it fundamentally argues the majority of voters are illiterate. On the other hand it assumes the votes can be swayed on emotions because they believe the voters vote the ANC in power informed by pure emotion and no effective and causal reasoning.

8. RUNNING A CAMPAIGN TO UNSEAT THE ANC

Another error Opposition Parties made is to mislead them to be in the running to unseat the ANC. Each of the opposition parties are no differently to the EFF inebriated with the idea they can rule SA.

Opposition Parties have not been realistic neither honest to accept they not campaigning against the ANC but against those who have been playing in the sphere of influence they operate and remains constrained.

This utopia of thought and dream is paraded and fundamentally the cornerstone of all opposition lifeblood. Opposition parties have spent unnecessary resources time and energy on the wrong focus.

They equally have equally erroneously convinced themselves that they can mislead the masses that they can unseat the ANC, unfortunately the voters do not agree with them and shows them exactly the opposite.

9. UNDERESTIMATING HOW SERIOUS VOTERS TAKE THEIR FRANCHISE

The collective of opposition parties have not consistently underestimated how serious the voters of Africa’s last freed country take this franchise.

Not only has the collective of Opposition parties been taught to a lesson on how serious voters take the hard earned long fought for democratic franchise, but they also told those who advocate spoiling the votes as highly irresponsible.

Anyone who attempts assuming the SA voting constituency make light of the right so many fought and died for is not in step with SA as an evolving constitutional democracy. Our people know what the democratic franchise in right to vote means, they respect their right to vote and they will not entertain anyone who refuses to think along the same lines they do.

Our voters are analytical and seldom vote in emotional blackmail.

10. TRYING TO DENY THE GOOD STORY OF SA

The conundrum Opposition Parties found them in is the reality and undeniable truth that SA is a better place today than 20 years ago or as we comfortably can say then under apartheid.

The conundrum is informed by a narrow interpretation of this undeniable good story that wrongly dictates they would have to give the ANC credit, the one thing they certainly do not want to do. Also

They opted to rather run a negative campaign to speak in an emotional sense on the themes of corruption.

Yet where they erred with this stance is when they deny the good story of the ANC, they deny their own due role in that good story, and they equally deny the voters convictions that SA is a better place today.

Opposition parties try and tell the SA voters there is no good story they try and tell them you were are all deceived and the ANC has been lying to you.

The challenge with this that South Africans that lived in this country and even those outside its confines confirm in many senses this good story.

The DA’s Mmusi Maimane very late in his multi-million rand campaign attempted in half-hearted sense acknowledge the good story and almost broke with the mundane stereotypical every day yawns of opposition parties about SA being a failed projects.

Agang-SA is trying tell SA we are a failed state in education, COPE is telling us we are failed state in governance. The EFF tells SA voters a constitutional democracy is not right for this country and they will create a complete new system. UDM tells us nothing except Pansy Tlakula is a threat to the elections when he knows that is not true.

11. MISPLACING THE MANDELA FACTOR

It is true that in many ways Mandela ensembles the iconic status and moral meridian for South Africans as the champion of our democracy.

We may argue this for many valid reasons yet his presence wrongly or rightly looms large in the SA constituency and voting populace. All opposition parties understood this, yet they missed it in trying to dislocate and divorce him from the movement and party that made him.

The DA attempted to reinvent Mandela as belonging to all in absence of history and negating how he became the president and what party made him president and his loyalty to the ANC. The DA went as far as attempting to give Mandela and Mbeki the credit for having done a good job and the current ANC destroying all the gains.

What this notion misses is that the ANC is rolling out what was agreed over time at all the conferences in manifestos and we are now at this stage because we have had the previous eras who laid certain foundations.

The biggest error they commit on Mandela is to bastardise his political roots to falsify him into an identity that came from space and therefore has no roots in political definition. Mandela is dead, yet he lives in SA, but he does not live outside the Movement that made him and any attempt to divorce him from the ANC is rendering you a suspicious imposter who simply doesn’t deal in truth.

Opposition Parties misunderstood the Mandela factor that does not lend itself to convenient misuse, particularly in denial of the lived experience.

12. SA VOTERS DO NOT NEED A SAVIOUR TO RESCUE THEM- THEY VOTE CONSCIOUSLY

There is a grave misconception on the part of opposition parties they naturally assume SA Voters need help to be rescued from an impending danger lurking in the party it votes for.

The second aspect of this error manifests in seeing them as the saviours of these blind and deceived voters. They assume their assignment is to free the voters from their wrong thinking in still voting for the ANC. It is nothing but patronising to saythe least on the part of opposition parties. When opposition parties can first respect that voters are free and exercise that freedom every five years and has no need to be freed.

Opposition parties come to the SA voters with the singular intent of rescuing them and nit to be rescued, they come to the SA voters to tell them and not to listen to them. The approach the SA voters less as if they do not have a history of voting. The conclude so much in assumption and is held carceral by their own picket fences.

In conclusion for as long as the collective of opposition parties share this conclusive prism exemplified in gross misconception of the voters of the SA elections as oblivious and voting with no sense of thinking, they will learn how much the masses think.

For as long as they hold on to these preconceived notions of SA voters as easily misled in the road trudged, they will be punished in the polls.

If the argument is made that we need a re-haul of ruling party the similar counter argument can be raised we need a remake of what is defined as opposition parties in SA.

It is perhaps befitting to conclude in asking what informs the role of Opposition Parties in a democracy.

Bishop Clyde N.S. Ramalaine

Independent Observer & Analyst

Founder of TTMoSA (The Thinking Masses of South Africa)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Why the Freedom Front may have an unexpected windfall in Elections 2014!

-The DA, uneasy political home of the ‘Afrikaner’ constituency is likely to be punished from within-

This election in my opinion holds an unexpected surprise for most. While many gloat in anticipation of how the ANC will be upstaged by new  EFF,  I think we omitting to read the signs of the times in Opposition party definition.

It is my view that the surprise in election embrace will come from the Freedom Front growth. The Freedom Front can be considered the last frontier of apartheid thinking in current political context. It will show a marked increase in vote due to three dominant reasons.

1. Internal DA Ideological and Leadership squabbles
The DA leadership has increasingly irritated a primary constituency that joined them less of political ideological pragmatism but almost forced-choice of limited political space.

This group ensembles those who in this era defines themselves as an “Afrikaner” constituency who in a sense has used the DA as hideout because they did not want to be openly seen as against transformation for a litany of reasons.

This group in my assessment remains soft belly of the DA. It is my view that contrary to what the DA wants SA to believe, black voter growth is not the true reason for its growth. It is this constituency who had accidently found a place in the DA’s blanket of liberalism, the same they will never be. If we accept the history of the English and Afrikaans politics, it was in a sense a stroke of genius to have managed to become the voice for a conflated constituency representative of these two groups.

The DA in this season in an increasing sense is annoying its ‘Afrikaner’ constituency that will in their own way deem it their right to punish Helen’s obsession with a black face for the DA, confusion on employment equity policy and many other issues such as the Afrikaans language.

2. The now confirmed existence of the EFF
The emergence of the EFF with its hardened rhetoric of nationalization and unconstitutional manifesto wish list of programmes has solidified the need for this group to come out of the closet.
I am contending the presence of an EFF if it was like a UDM or a COPE even a Agang-SA, would not have propelled this action because the former mentioned poses no direct threat to the existence of this group perceptively seen from their angle.

The EFF has been clear in its stance and given the media coverage; it gets makes more and more of this group jittery in expressing a fear should the eff for whatever reason emerge. We know the latter is highly improbable regardless to how the media profile the EFF.

In my assessment I foresee the presence of the EFF solicits a response in hardened stance from the ‘Afrikaner’ voters constituency. They therefore will not see the DA as the viable option to articulate or communicate this hardened ideological stance.

3. Reported ANC – Failure in Service Delivery
The claim of 20 years of non-delivery of the ANC (we know this is not true) but at a sentimental level has given this group a right to legitimately claim that SA was better under apartheid.

The sentiment of this notion ignites a sense of honour and pride among some who were castigated as the underwriters of apartheid to emerge from the enclave of the DA and find a political home that at an ideological level resonates with them.

In addition, having such a conviction in ideology has become legitimized in a constitutional democracy rendering the fear of being ostracised for being old fashioned and conservative is a today not that more radical.

• The question becomes since this constituency finds itself in the DA and have voted for the DA in swelling of its ranks over the period of the last 20 years, where will they next find a home?

• The question becomes if they are feeling threatened and vulnerable with the emergence of a boisterous EFF and is afforded a right to resort back to a laager mentality a common tendency if the history of this group is understood, how will they respond to this!

• If they feel almost vindicated by the parading claims of non-delivery and some convinced of apartheid as better, what will this do to their psyche if anything at all?

It is here that I think the Freedom Front may become the benefactor of this growing phenomenon. The Afrikaner group is not necessarily a homogenous group that all vote the same, for its long exposure to the right to vote coupled with the divergent ideological stances renders them capable of punishing the DA.  Some may ask why the Freedom Front, the answer is simple. It is highly unlikely that this group will start a new party, they therefore will look at a legitimate structure already operating and part of the constitutional democracy party political footprint. The likes of Solidarity  and Agri-Forum as NGO structures are  more ideologically linked to a Freedom Front than a Democratic Alliance and could be the very critical linkages for the crossover and even walk out from the DA.

I therefore anticipate that the Freedom Front is likely to have more seats in parliament come May 8, 2014. I would not be surprised if this translates to the DA losing 4 – 5% of its voter base to the Freedom Front.

 

 

Can the ANC Western Cape Leadership lead beyond a 2014 elections victory?

Can the ANC Western Cape Leadership lead beyond a 2014 elections victory?

 

I have somewhere contended that the SACC (South African Council of Churches), that once pristine an unparalleled organisation, laboured so hard as surrogate mother to carry the pregnancy of Freedom. It was stretched in all facets to make possible the birth of the proverbial baby we all fought for, yet it was not capable to go beyond the maternity room and raise this proverbial child  called Freedom who is now almost an adult at 20 years.

 

I was reflecting  on the conclusion I draw on the SACC and its relevance historically then and its almost irrelevance now, when I pondered on the Western Cape and the chance of the ANC taking it in 2014. 

 

My controversial and perhaps not expected question therefore is has the ANC Western Cape healed from all its internal personality based driven issues, to lead the Western Cape from 2014 in collective and focused vision forward of dealing with the triplets of unemployment, inequality and poverty.

 

It is one thing to seek to win an election it is something else to win an election with a collective and solid leadership that understands the bigger picture, one that is conscious of the current and in visionary sense can appropriate this moment as the seed of the tomorrow. 

 

The premise for my question emanates from the fact that the DA (Democratic Alliance) nationally but more so in the Western Cape is visibly vulnerable and shaken, due to a sustained campaign. The current ANC leadership has been aerating the proverbial soil of elections victory and runs a consistent and vibrant campaign to keep the pressure on the DA. Looking back over the last year one can see different moments when the DA has shown this growing and now vulnerability and at times a pervasive ineptness to deal with the issues of the Western Cape in a constructive and coherent sense.

 

A litany of incidents and events attest to this confirmed structural weakness in the DA. These include amongst others the Save our Schools campaign, the De Doorns farm worker saga and issues, the Khayalitsha community toilet saga, the many on-going community based protests. The glaring lack of grasp of the plight of the poor of the Western Cape for the DA leadership. The ANC even at times proved a better student for beating the DA at its own game of running to courts and coming back with victories. 

 

The frustration for Helen Zille with the internal squabbles of succession demands. The toxic internal jostling for power by contending forces mirrored in liberal and conservative DA members who in recent months flared openly showing the chasms of a crested ideology divide. At times purely along ‘white’ and ‘black’ divide. A clear contestation for the soul of the DA.

 

The contestation for the soul of the DA in right and left wing of liberalism policy confusion of issues like BEE, Employment Equity and Affirmative Action which saw its leader having to clarify through first admitting error in lack of leadership grasp are the undeniable signs of a soft belly. The most recent rebuke from its former leader Tony Leon who rightly or wrongly still has a bone to pick with this current leadership.  

 

These and many other concomitant issues have rendered the DA a very vulnerable and less secured in approach of 2014 elections. 

 

Anyone who has studied Helen Zille will know she simply does not do well with sustained critique and pressure, therefore if you keep peppering her with critique she will at some point to relent, loose her cool, and react emotionally. When she resorts to her normal emotional response she is usually very careless and irrational rendering her to eventually having to apologise for foolish tweets or statements made.

 

The recent Saldanha outrage and walk out attest to my contention. Yet it also introduces us again to the poor in the Western Cape who with the relentless action and protests echoes the words of Rosa Parks of the Montgomery Bus boycott “my feets are tired.” 

 

Mrs. Zille the poor of the Western Cape’s feets are tired. When they see, the DA for who it as a predominantly liberal yet “white” wealth concentrated and interest based group organisation. Their feets are tired when they surmise the DA will never be able to understand neither serve the poor in basic amenities and afforded dignity for any attempt at doing is diametrically opposed the fundamental essence of who the DA is in its history, present and foreseeable future.

 

 

The ANC knows if they want to deal with the DA, they must upset Helen Zille because the DA is Helen and Helen is the DA. 

 

I’m saying this to say the Western Cape is up for grabs in colloquial sense because of the sterling work done so far in campaigning against a sitting leadership. Yet as we know now that is one side of the proverbial coin immanent in plausible victory.

 

 The other half is conscientious and strategic leadership. A leadership that is not making noise but working on changing lives through a meticulous plan that inculcates the various sectors of the Western Cape cognizant that it takes a village to raise a child. Present minded that leadership must balance the diverse sectors interest and can hardly afford to discount any sector in arrogance of we do not need them. 

 

 

Yet I ask again if the ANC leadership can rise beyond political rhetoric and lead the Western Cape for it is within its reach to take it. 

 

In my assessment victory is a matter of visionary and strategic leadership immanent in understanding it is more than just attacking the DA it is the ability to produce a sustainable plan unless we have just learnt to be oppositional. 

 

It is important to respect and acknowledge the Western Cape voters for they are the only province that has in post- Apartheid democracy literally shown both the ANC and the DA we will vote for you and against you. It is perhaps the only province that has truly exercised their democratic franchise to choose leaderships informed by their preference if the singular fact of past elections is the yardstick. I am not suggesting others did not; the point is the Western Cape unlike others has had both ANC and DA leaderships. Thus, nobody is guaranteed success in the Western Cape it remains for this reason a more sophisticated constituency to convince. This is a fundamental point to make and one less talked about or analysed.

 

The people of the Western Cape deserve constructive leadership that is poor – focused not just for electioneering fodder. 

 

The voters of the Western Cape needs decisive trusted leadership that is not just loud on petty coat issues but can intellectually engage to a betterment of the collective Western Cape.

 

The voters of the Western Cape deserve an ANC leadership that is principled and will discern the real constituency not factionalized pockets of leadership immanent in petty agendas and some who easily become inebriated on borrowed power. All power is borrowed therefore those you reject and mistook for nobodies may very possibly become your boss in the foreseeable future. 

 

If the ANC in the Western Cape is serious about taking the province from a vulnerable and wobbling DA leadership it must in reciprocity recognize Tripartite Alliance members and leaderships and forget the mundane personal politics of personalities.

 

The Tripartite Alliance in the Western Cape must find a way to deal with the often personality based cheap agendas that easily can beset it and quit assuming positions are forever defined by names. 

 

If the ANC in the Western Cape is serious about taking the 2014 elections it must become serious about the Pentecostal Christian Church as a significant constituency in the Western Cape and stop placing emphasis where it does not rightfully belong in religious assumption of minority definition. 

 

If the ANC in the Western Capes is serious about taking the province in leading it must recover unnecessary lost ground on the issue of the Khoi-San relevance. It failed to seize the opportune moment and perhaps did not take the various proposals submitted and advice offered because it had shown truculence in being decisive and strategic on the matter. 

 

We all know how conflated the Khoi-San issues are yet that cannot be an excuse for inaction on the part of the ANC in proving shy to lead lead this legitimate issue thus affording the Conservative Party of Mulder space to seize ground. It remains my sincere conviction that the Western Cape ANC leadership should have led the country in giving the ANC direction how to deal with the issue. If not leading it should have been bold enough to broach the subject in organisational setting. A clear missed opportunity. It even afforded space to the DA to raise the critical debate in which the ANC in Western Cape as elsewhere remain silent and lacklustre.

 

The ANC in the Western Cape failed in strategic sense to lead on the employment equity and labour parity issues for Coloureds who beyond any question remain a majority in the Western Cape. This issue could have been handled in partnership with its Tripartite Alliance Partner COSATU, if personalities could have remained focused on the greater goal.

 

The ANC Western Cape failed to ventilate the core issues this aspect raises until it afforded a self-centred Afri-Forum to defend Coloureds in Correctional Services and win significant cases in courts on behalf of a constituency the ANC easily must claim rightfully as theirs.

 

The Western Cape is up for grabs, but we need strategic and in touch leadership. Drumming up volunteers is crucial for any campaign yet what happens when the prize is won. Volunteerism gains momentum when leadership remains strategic and goal oriented and can show the path even when the shadows of nightfall winks.

 

 

I want the ANC to take the Province of my birth, Western Cape, but I have reservations if the challenges of yesteryear will not manifest again. The last time the ANC led, it was under a Rasool, it is clear we have two distinct and different in approach leaders between Rasool and Fransman. Some even talk about the ‘more-intellectual’ Rasool and the ‘more-populist’ Fransman. Yet I do not share these sentiments because I sincerely hold each leader has made his best contribution. I am of the view Fransman has done the spadework in attack and has led a strategic campaign that sees the DA’s knees buckling, therefore his legacy if the ANC wins in 2014 will be this excellent piece of work he did.  

 

I shall ask again can this leadership who fought so hard this last 4/5 years, who vociferously campaigned so strong and who has as it seems managed to prove the DA vulnerable raise the freedom it potentially will give birth to in April of 2014. For it is in pregnancy terms at least 4 months pregnant to deliver on the due date. 

 

Yet will this ANC –Western Cape leadership like the SACC also remain in the proverbial maternity ward when the child surnamed Freedom Western Cape steps out and find his own feet. Your guess, is as good as mine, I am not sure…. 

 

CNSR

12/11/2013